Topeka Capital-Journal (09/24/05) Northwest
Arkansas Times (09/25/05)
Minuteman Media
On his way to the UN summit in New York, Israeli prime minister
Ariel Sharon said to reporters, "Building is continuing there
[West Bank settlements]; we will build as much as we need."
Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz proclaimed the day before, "We
have to make every effort to direct resources to the development
of the settlement blocs." While the media portrays dismantling
Gaza settlements as an Israeli concession to the Palestinians, scant
attention has been focused on the real problem -- that the whole
settlement enterprise pursued by successive Israeli governments
since 1967 is illegal. Israeli withdrawal of settlements from Gaza
is partial compliance with international law, not a concession.
From the outset of its occupation, the government of Israel has
deliberately settled its citizens in the West Bank and the Gaza
Strip despite the clear prohibition of this action under the Fourth
Geneva Convention, to which Israel is a party. Israel has constructed
a legal shroud to shield its settlement policy from criticism by
maintaining that these territories are not occupied but were "liberated"
or are "disputed," despite international consensus and
decisions by Israel's High Court to the contrary.
The Labor Party's Allon Plan of 1968, followed by the Likud Party's
Drobless plan of 1977, steered Israel's settlement policy towards
controlling the land and retaining strategic areas, breaking-up
contiguous Palestinian population areas and preempting Palestinian
self-determination. Although Israel's evacuation of 8,000 settlers
provides territorial contiguity within Gaza, its ongoing expansion
of 45 settlements within the West Bank indicates a continuation
of these same objectives.
Israel has institutionalized its settlement project by creating
government departments and "lawful" procedures for construction
of settlements. Israeli ministries are involved in almost all steps,
from confiscating Palestinian land to developing and approving the
physical and economic infrastructure, issuing tenders for building,
and constructing roads for settlers. Some settlers, often driven
by religious belief in their divine right to the land, establish
outposts outside the "lawful" settlement zone and subsequently
secure government authorization.
However, the majority of Israeli settlers are lured to occupied
territory by promises of subsidies from six government ministries
for those living in areas formally designated by the Israeli cabinet
as a "national priority." To date, the Israeli government
has sunk approximately $10 billion into building settlements.
While expanding settlements Israel simultaneously contains Palestinian
development. It unlawfully confiscates property, denies Palestinians
the right to register their land and restricts Palestinian growth
to limited areas, thereby reserving available land for settlement
expansion. In order to ensure Israeli citizens have access to their
settlements, Palestinians face restrictions on movement, including
600 physical barriers on West Bank roads, and endure long waits
at checkpoints.
Settlements are constructed under Israeli military or private security
protection. Israel's Ministry of Defense provides weapons to settlers,
which are then used by militants to harass Palestinians into vacating
their land. Reports on settler violence by B'Tselem, the Israeli
Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories,
document that settlers fear little or no retribution from Israeli
law enforcement because of a history of superficial investigations
-- only 8 percent of Palestinian complaints are probed -- and light
sentencing or pardons for the few settlers ever convicted. The same
reports note that Israeli military and police often do not intervene
to prevent attacks although they are present at the time.
It is neither surprising nor new that some settlers resort to violence.
They are the product of their carefully constructed environment.
Their presence in occupied territory is founded on illegality, maintained
through the unlawful use of force, and sustained by subjugating
the rights of Palestinians. Israel's policies, rather than ensuring
respect for law, have only reinforced the belief among settlers
that they rightfully possess the West Bank and Gaza.
Just last year the International Court of Justice, the highest judicial
organ of the United Nations, unanimously confirmed that the West
Bank and Gaza Strip are occupied and therefore Israeli settlements
are illegal. Ariel Sharon responded by saying the Court was one
sided. Israel does its citizens no favor by maintaining legal fictions
and pumping millions of dollars into settlements every year. The
evacuation of a handful of settlements is a good start, now let's
see the dismantling of the rest.
----
Stephanie Koury served as a legal adviser on Israeli settlements
for the PLO's negotiating team from 2000 - 2004. Ms. Koury was part
of the legal team that represented Palestine in oral hearings before
the International Court of Justice at the Hague. She is a lawyer
and research fellow at the Hotung Programme on Law, Human Rights
and Peacebuilding in the Middle East at the University of London.
MERIP
OP-EDS
A Country at a Crossroads The Austin-American Statesman (Austin, Texas) November 9, 2007
Kamran Asdar Ali
"A
very frank discussion"— so President Bush described
his Nov. 7 telephone
conversation with Pervez Musharraf, four days after the Pakistani
general
imposed a state of emergency and dissolved the high court expected
to rule
his continued presidency unconstitutional. And frank the discussion
probably
was: In the face of spirited protest in Pakistan, and a querulous
press in
Washington, back-channel pressure succeeded in persuading Musharraf
to
promise parliamentary elections. Yet the generous U.S. aid earmarked
for
Pakistan — on top of nearly $10 billion since 2001 — is
quite evidently not
at risk.
What may be at risk is Musharraf's tenure as head
of the military government. Full
story>>
The
war debate in Washington is bogged down. Partisan rancor is one
reason why, and bipartisan desire for US hegemony in the oil-rich
Persian Gulf is
another. But many Americans are vexed by a nobler concern: that
a
“precipitous” US departure from Iraq would leave intensified
civil war,
ethnic-sectarian cleansing and massive refugee flows in its wake.
This
concern is legitimate. Unfortunately, the sad fact is that Iraq’s
civil war
and humanitarian emergency have grown steadily worse as the US
military
deployment there wears on. Full
Story>>
Should
the United States, seeking to recalibrate the balance between
security and liberty in the "war on terror," emulate
Israel in its treatment of Palestinian detainees? That is the position
that Guantanamo detainee lawyers Avi Stadler and John Chandler
of Atlanta, and some others, have advocated. That people in U.S.
custody could be held incommunicado for years without charges,
and could be prosecuted or indefinitely detained on the basis of
confessions extracted with torture is worse than a national disgrace.
It is an assault on the foundations of the rule of law. Full
Story>>
There
is an oft-told Palestinian allegory about a family who complained
their house was small and cramped. In response, the father brought
the farm
animals inside -- the goat, the sheep and the chickens all crowded
into the
house. Then, one by one, he moved the animals back outside. By
the time the
last chicken left, the family felt such relief they never complained
of the
lack of elbow room again. Full
Story>>