On January 24, the US launched a second round of airstrikes in Somalia
against alleged al-Qaeda terrorists believed to be responsible for
the bombings of US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998. Intended
to eradicate these extremist elements from the Horn of Africa, the
airstrikes instead exacerbated the chaos brought on by the fall of
the Union of Islamic Courts to US-backed Ethiopian forces late last
year. Continued instability renders Somalia ripe for the reemergence
of the same kind of militancy the US strikes aimed to eliminate. Limited
military actions cannot prevent Somalia from reverting to militant
haven status, but a comprehensive, three-pronged US approach could.
First, the US
should call for a national reconciliation conference under the auspices
of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, East Africa's
regional development organization. All of Somalia's neighbors should
be encouraged to participate, including Ethiopia, Kenya and Eritrea.
The conference should include representatives of the transitional
federal government and, most importantly, moderate members of the
Union of Islamic Courts, particularly Courts leader Sheikh Sharif,
who recently surrendered to Kenyan authorities. Though undeniably
containing a minority of militants, the Courts were composed of
a majority of moderate Islamists – moderates that the US government
has acknowledged in that past and has urged the transitional government
to work with once again.
Second, the
US should advocate for the deployment of an international force
in Mogadishu while urging the rapid withdrawal of Ethiopian forces
from all of Somalia. Ethiopian forces, regarded by many Somalis
as occupiers, are a lightning rod for popular resentment. Moreover,
the Ethiopian presence reduces the legitimacy of the transitional
government in the eyes of Somalis, many of whom view it as an Ethiopian
and American puppet incapable of instituting order on its own. An
international force made up of neutral parties is an important step
toward achieving calm in Mogadishu, but one that can only come after
a larger reconciliation conference reestablishes a legitimate constitutional
process that includes the various political factions.
Finally, the
US needs to support serious and sustained political reconstruction
in Somalia to fill the vacuum left by the Union of Islamic Courts.
Though not strong militarily, the Courts came to power in the context
of the collapsed state in Mogadishu, peddling a brand of Islamic
law that finds popularity amidst chaos. To an extent unseen in over
16 years of clan warfare, the Courts built alliances to establish
law and order, physical security, a protected commercial environment
and a functioning judicial system. In the aftermath of the Courts'
fall, there are reports of Islamic-affiliated militias striking
out on their own in the Somali capital. Until a strong, legitimate,
centralized state takes charge, similar groups will return, with
larger numbers and greater popularity. Reestablishing law and order
and a functioning central state must be a priority of the transitional
federal government and the international community. To do so effectively
will require the cooperation of moderate Courts members.
As a lesson
for the war against terrorism, events in Mogadishu show that it
is not Islamic militant ideology, but rather poverty and, even more,
economic and physical insecurity, that turn countries into potential
breeding grounds for extremism. It was not because al-Qaeda already
existed in Somalia that the country became unstable, but rather
because of Somalia's complete instability that al-Qaeda was able
to operate there. While there is no inevitable link between state
collapse and Islamist terrorism, the absence of legal and bureaucratic
institutions can lay the groundwork for the rise of militant groups.
By addressing these problems in Somalia, through diplomatic and
financial support, the US can get at the roots of extremist recruitment.
---
Khalid Mustafa Medani is assistant professor at McGill University
in Montreal and an editor of Middle East Report .
MERIP
OP-EDS
A Country at a Crossroads The Austin-American Statesman (Austin, Texas) November 9, 2007
Kamran Asdar Ali
"A
very frank discussion"— so President Bush described
his Nov. 7 telephone
conversation with Pervez Musharraf, four days after the Pakistani
general
imposed a state of emergency and dissolved the high court expected
to rule
his continued presidency unconstitutional. And frank the discussion
probably
was: In the face of spirited protest in Pakistan, and a querulous
press in
Washington, back-channel pressure succeeded in persuading Musharraf
to
promise parliamentary elections. Yet the generous U.S. aid earmarked
for
Pakistan — on top of nearly $10 billion since 2001 — is
quite evidently not
at risk.
What may be at risk is Musharraf's tenure as head
of the military government. Full
story>>
The
war debate in Washington is bogged down. Partisan rancor is one
reason why, and bipartisan desire for US hegemony in the oil-rich
Persian Gulf is
another. But many Americans are vexed by a nobler concern: that
a
“precipitous” US departure from Iraq would leave intensified
civil war,
ethnic-sectarian cleansing and massive refugee flows in its wake.
This
concern is legitimate. Unfortunately, the sad fact is that Iraq’s
civil war
and humanitarian emergency have grown steadily worse as the US
military
deployment there wears on. Full
Story>>
Should
the United States, seeking to recalibrate the balance between
security and liberty in the "war on terror," emulate
Israel in its treatment of Palestinian detainees? That is the position
that Guantanamo detainee lawyers Avi Stadler and John Chandler
of Atlanta, and some others, have advocated. That people in U.S.
custody could be held incommunicado for years without charges,
and could be prosecuted or indefinitely detained on the basis of
confessions extracted with torture is worse than a national disgrace.
It is an assault on the foundations of the rule of law. Full
Story>>
There
is an oft-told Palestinian allegory about a family who complained
their house was small and cramped. In response, the father brought
the farm
animals inside -- the goat, the sheep and the chickens all crowded
into the
house. Then, one by one, he moved the animals back outside. By
the time the
last chicken left, the family felt such relief they never complained
of the
lack of elbow room again. Full
Story>>