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MERIP
Primer on the Uprising in Palestine
Is Arafat in Charge?
From the beginning, the Palestinian uprising expressed cumulative
popular anger at both the violence of the Israeli occupation and
the compromises Yasser Arafat seemed willing to make on basic
Palestinian national rights -- such as the establishment of a
viable sovereign state, the right of return for Palestinian refugees
displaced in 1948 and 1967 and Palestinian sovereignty in East
Jerusalem. The Palestinian protests following Sharon's visit to
al-Haram al-Sharif were spearheaded by Islamists and students
-- the sectors of the population among whom Arafat enjoys the
least influence. Since September 2000, Arafat has followed the
uprising and guerrilla war, not led it.
The Palestinian Authority (PA) is not a fully sovereign government
like Israel or the United States, but it does provide municipal
services and attempts to maintain order in the areas under its
control. Before and during the intifada, Palestinians have repeatedly
complained of the PA's inadequate services and uncertain leadership.
The PA's top ranks, including Arafat, mostly belong to Fatah,
the largest faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).
Many junior officers of the PA security services are also Fatah
members. But Fatah is independent of the PA, and Arafat does not
control the entire faction through a single chain of command.
The uprising has pushed militant local leaders of Fatah to the
forefront. The Fatah militants' demands -- full Israeli withdrawal,
removal of settlements, a sovereign state with its capital in
Jerusalem and the right of return for refugees -- are the demands
of the intifada.
As the uprising slowly deteriorated into a war of attrition,
some members of the PA security services joined in armed attacks
on Israeli soldiers and settlers, like their fellow Fatah militants
outside the PA. But the organization of these attacks appeared
to be local, rather than central, and a common refrain among Palestinians
was that "there is no leadership."
When the war of attrition began to be punctuated by Israeli incursions
into and reoccupations of Palestinian-controlled areas, even Palestinians
critical of PA rule rallied behind Arafat. Palestinians feared
that Israel sought to replace Arafat -- still their elected leader
despite his shortcomings -- or to destroy the PA entirely. Apart
from Palestinians' resistance to the idea that their leader should
be chosen by outside forces, no other figure has emerged as a
potential replacement. Arafat's ever-tightening "isolation"
in his Ramallah headquarters since December 2001 further enhanced
his popularity, in contrast to Israel's apparent intentions.
Israel and the US continue to demand that Arafat crack down on
the uprising and publicly forbid all forms of "violence,"
not just suicide bombings. But Israeli assaults have destroyed
many PA security installations and pushed many security personnel
in the direction of the militants. Even if the PA retains the
physical ability to maintain "absolute calm," to do
so would strengthen the voices that describe the PA as a proxy
police force for the Israeli occupation, and once again endanger
Arafat's status as leader of the Palestinian cause.
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Orders Suicide Bombings?
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