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Western Sahara Between Autonomy and Intifada

Letter

I have a few remarks regarding Jacob Mundy’s article (“Western Sahara Between Autonomy and Intifada,” MER Online, March 16, 2007). 

First, it would have been interesting to inform your readers of the role of the Algerian military in the conflict over Western Sahara and the control they have over the POLISARIO Front. 

Second, your readers should have been informed of the recent conflicts between different factions within POLISARIO, and that many factional leaders are now returning to Morocco. Others would if they had the chance. The internal conflict is more serious than the differences over “tactics” that Mundy cited. 

Third, the recent contacts between some POLISARIO leaders and the Royal Advisory Council on Saharan Affairs should have been better explained. The Council is not some figurehead body. It is seriously engaged in making a positive impact on the camp of the “independentistas.” Many are convinced of the seriousness of the Moroccan offer of autonomy, and others are still considering the plan. Only a few have rejected it, under pressure from the Algerian regime.  

Fourth, Mundy might have explained something about the plan of autonomy that Morocco is proposing, instead of dismissing it in one phrase. This plan is the last chance for POLISARIO, as POLISARIO well knows, and as some of its leaders have accepted. So can Mundy tell us why the Algerian regime is dismissing the plan and pressuring POLISARIO to reject it?

Fifth, Mundy forgot to mention that there is unanimity in Morocco -- among political parties, NGOs and the like -- on the Moroccanity of the Sahara. There is no conflict here between a “despotic” regime and POLISARIO. The conflict is between the majority of the people and a minority that wants separation. That is the belief in Morocco, and Mundy should have acknowledged this. All human rights violations in the Saharan region are reported by the Moroccan press and condemned by human rights groups such as the Moroccan Human Rights Association. 

Worst of all, I nearly choked when I read Mundy actually encouraging POLISARIO to choose armed conflict as “a more honorable of the two choices,” where the second choice is accepting autonomy (not honorable, according to Mundy). Middle East Report should not have accepted this inciting statement for publication. The truth is that POLISARIO has a choice between ruling the Sahara with considerable autonomy or staying under the thumb of Algeria. There are no other solutions at the moment, as the superpowers on the Security Council understand. War is not a solution, I would say to Mundy. If he is so upset that the case of Morocco is considered to be reasonable, let him go fight against it.

Said Essoulami
Casablanca, Morocco

Jacob Mundy replies:
Anyone familiar with the conflict knows that POLISARIO and Algeria share common interests, coordinate policies and synchronize strategies. In fact, Algerian influence saved Morocco from war in early 2001, when POLISARIO mobilized to break the ceasefire. But none of that translates into Algeria controlling POLISARIO.

If the Algerian military controls POLISARIO, then Essoulami should be confused as to why, in March, his own government accused POLISARIO of working with the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat, which is linked to al-Qaeda and fights the Algerian state. The Moroccan government also repeatedly attacks POLISARIO for having relations with Cuba. POLISARIO must be the only organization in the world accused of being radically leftist and radically Islamist at the same time.

If Essoulami’s second, third and fourth assertions are correct, we must wonder why Morocco is so afraid of a referendum on independence. If the “conflict is between the majority of the people and a minority which wants separation,” then Morocco has nothing to fear from a democratic vote on the final status of Western Sahara. As the East Timorese used to say, “Those who are afraid of the referendum are afraid of the truth.”

Indeed, the Moroccan government has seriously undermined the fifth assertion, that “there is unanimity in Morocco…on the Moroccanity of the Sahara.” If all Moroccans feel that Western Sahara is a part of their country, then why did Morocco reject Baker’s 2003 proposal to hold a referendum including Moroccan settlers alongside Western Saharans?

Lastly, Essoulami makes a basic philosophical slip when he claims that I am encouraging POLISARIO to resume armed action against Morocco. As a social scientist, I was offering causal explanation, not moral justification. In other words, I was not saying what POLISARIO ought to do, but rather suggesting that the dismal state of the Western Sahara peace process might lead POLISARIO to pursue armed efforts. Attempting to understand the causes of violence does not morally justify real or possible violent effects. Only when we are able to make this distinction can we address the conditions of conflict in our world.

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