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MER 207 Table of Contents

Between a Rock and a Hard Place: Arab Women, Liberal Feminism and the Israeli State

Lisa Hajjar

There is a bill pending in the Israeli Knesset that would allow women the option to use the country's civil courts for personal status matters. Liberal Israeli feminists see this as promoting "women's rights" by loosening the grip of religious authorities over women's personal lives. But Israel is not a liberal state, so there is something fundamentally problematic in assuming common gender interests, since women in Israel have no common status or rights as citizens. In fact, as long as Israel is a Jewish state, the Muslim, Christian and Druze religious institutions will remain important sources of communal identity for Israel's Arabs (women and men), since the civil state is not really "theirs."

Israeli feminists (both Jewish and Arab) argue correctly that women often are disadvantaged in their dealings within conservative religious institutions. Those who support this bill say it would help all women regardless of religion (although it is quietly suggested that Muslim women would benefit most). But what choice does this bill actually offer? Either reject your community's religious institutions and take advantage of the state's secular courts, or continue to suffer gender discrimination at the hands of the religious authorities.

The bill holds the secular courts out as bastions of enlightenment and means to liberation when, in fact, these very courts have participated actively in 50 years of discrimination against Israel's "non-Jews." There is no apparent recognition of, let alone challenge to, the institutionalized anti-Arab bias of Israel's secular institutions, including the courts. Furthermore, advocates assume women will get better deals in civil courts but there is no evidence of this. Finally, the bill's passage would undermine the potential to change religious institutions from within the various communities.

To use the issue of women's rights as a means of attacking religious authorities forces a rigid distinction between "gender interests" and "communal interests." For Arab women in Israel, this is a spurious dichotomy, since they have more in common with men of their community--structural discrimination and political marginalization--than with many Jewish women. Why should Arab women embrace a bill that generalizes about gender interests and assumes that the Israeli state's secular institutions can "save" them from religion, when it was the Israeli state that made religion so significant to their status and rights (or lack of rights) as women and as Arabs?

The shortcomings of this bill are reminiscent of early mistakes made by leaders of the US women's movement. In the 1960s, liberal feminists modeled their agenda on the civil rights movement, essentially substituting gender for race. They apparently failed to recognize that these are not parallel forms of identity nor do they lead to comparable forms of discrimination. In a white-dominated society like the US, blacks are discriminated against as members of a racial collectivity (similar to "non-Jews" in Israel), while discrimination against women varies according to race, class, sexuality and so on. The women's movement, dominated by white middle-class heterosexual women, did not appeal to many women of color, poor women, lesbians and so on because it refused to recognize and deal with the ways those differences among women matter.

Criticizing liberal feminism is not a rejection of feminism. Rather, it indicates a desire to see a more comprehensive approach to rights in Israel. To create a solid, progressive movement, the "other" Arab women's problem--discrimination by the state against its non-Jewish citizens--must be made integral to feminist strategies and discourse. While the Israeli government submitted its 1996 report to the UN Commission on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, omitting almost any consideration of the status of "non-Jewish" women, a team of Arab feminists produced and submitted a counter-report to the UN in 1997. Their data and analysis show the connections between "personal" and "public" forms of oppression. Minority women know that they can never find real relief from gender discrimination as long as they are part of communities that continue to suffer discrimination. Fighting all forms of discrimination is the real feminist issue.

Lisa Hajjar, an editor of this magazine, teaches sociology at Swarthmore College.

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MERIP OP-EDS
Rebranding the Iraq War
Antiwar.com
August 24, 2010
Chris Toensing

The war in Iraq is over. Or so the government and most media outlets will claim on Sept. 1, by which time thousands of U.S. troops will have departed the land of two rivers for other assignments. With this phase of the drawdown, says President Barack Obama, “America’s combat mission will end.” The Pentagon is marking the occasion by changing the name of the Iraq deployment from Operation Iraqi Freedom to Operation New Dawn. Full Story>>


Ethno-Sectarian Approach Likely to Have Lasting Consequences
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July 22, 2010
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Which American has done the most harm to Iraq in the twenty-first century? The competition is stiff, with George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Paul Wolfowitz and L. Paul Bremer, among others, to choose from. But, given his game efforts to grab the spotlight, it seems churlish not to state the case for Vice President Joe Biden. Full Story>>


It's Time for Israel to End the Gaza Siege
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June 29, 2010
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Sects and the City
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May 17, 2010
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A Web Smaller Than a Divide
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May 14, 2010
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A New Conversation Peace
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April 9, 2019
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Iyad Allawi, the not terribly popular interim premier of post-Saddam Iraq, is in a position to form a government again because he won over the Sunni Arabs residing north and west of Baghdad in the March 7 elections. The vote, while it did not “shove political sectarianism in Iraq toward the grave,” as Allawi would have it, rekindled the hopes of many that “nationalist” sentiment has asserted itself over communal loyalty. Full Story>>


Arming Yemen Against Al-Qaeda
The Register Citizen (Torrington, CT)
January 21, 2010
Sheila Carapico

Americans got a crash course on Yemen for Christmas.

That’s because we’ve wanted to know more about the little-known, dirt-poor country in southwestern Arabia where the “underwear bomber” who tried to blow up a plane—bound for Detroit from Nigeria on Christmas Day—says he was trained. President Barack Obama says, correctly, that “large chunks” of Yemen “are not fully under government control.” So it seems to make sense to strengthen the Yemeni government, to get at “al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula,” as the local gang of Islamist extremists is known. Full Story>>


Christmas is Bittersweet in Bethlehem
The Milford Daily News (Milford, MA)
December 24, 2009
George Rishmawi

Bethlehem, Palestine is a special place to celebrate Christmas. It’s home to the Church of the Nativity and the field where shepherds, tending their flocks by night, spotted the star heralding Jesus’ birth. But apart from the historical mystique, here in Bethlehem we celebrate Christmas much like Christians throughout the world. We hang lights from the rooftops. We erect a tree in Manger Square. We host a Christmas market. Our children carol and perform Christmas pageants. Christmas in Bethlehem, as elsewhere, is a time for family, peace, love and joy. Full Story>>


More Troops Won't Do It
The Herald (New Britain, CT)
November 13, 2009
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For the past two months, President Barack Obama has been weighing Gen. Stanley McChrystal’s request to send an additional 40,000 troops to Afghanistan to “disrupt, dismantle and defeat” al-Qaeda. That same effort, according to Obama, entails ensuring that the Taliban can’t regain control of the country. But a military strategy alone won’t beat al-Qaeda or the Taliban. Achieving lasting stability in Afghanistan will require national political reconciliation, the establishment of a functioning, accountable political system, and a credible government. In this respect, the outcome of Afghanistan’s presidential election, marred by cheating, was a step in the wrong direction. Full story>>


Fort Hood Shootings: Again We Will Be Judged for Acts We Didn't Commit
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November 6, 2009
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Western Sahara Poser for UN
Reuters (Africa Blog)
April 28, 2009
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Morocco serves as the backdrop for such Hollywood blockbusters as Gladiator, Black Hawk Down and Body of Lies. The country’s breathtaking landscapes and gritty urban neighbourhoods are the perfect setting for Hollywood’s imagination.

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Letters, He Gets Letters
Bitter Lemons International
March 26, 2009
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Shortly before assuming office, President Barack Obama was handed a missive signed by such Washington luminaries as ex-national security advisers Zbigniew Brezezinski and Brent Scowcroft, urging him to “explore the possibility” of direct contact with Hamas. One month after he entered the White House, Obama received an epistle from Ahmad Yousef, a Gaza-based spokesman for the Islamist movement, making the same recommendation. “There can be no peace without Hamas,” Yousef told the New York Times when asked about the letter's contents. “We congratulated Mr. Obama on his presidency and reminded him that he should live up to his promise to bring real change to the region.”

There is no word, as yet, on how the foreign policy doyens' message was received, but Yousef's occasioned a huffy US rebuke of the UN Relief Works Agency, whose top official in Gaza, Karen Abu Zayd, passed the letter to Sen. John Kerry while he was visiting the devastated territory in mid-February. Even a single sealed envelope, it seems, creates the appearance that the Obama administration is breaking with the US vow, enunciated first under President George W. Bush, not to speak with Hamas until it agrees to renounce violence, abide by previous Palestinian agreements with Israel and recognize Israel as a Jewish state. Full Story>>


Elections Are Key to Darfur Crisis
The Montreal Gazette
March 7, 2009
Khalid Medani

It has been quite a week. For the first time, the international community indicted a sitting president of a sovereign state. Omar al-Bashir of Sudan stands accused by the International Criminal Court in The Hague of "crimes against humanity and war crimes" committed in the course of the Khartoum regime's brutal suppression of the revolt in the country's far western province of Darfur. Having indicted two other figures associated with the regime in 2007, ICC prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo began building a case against the man at the top, and on Wednesday, the court issued a warrant for Bashir's arrest. Full Story>>


Out of the Rubble
The National
January 23, 2009
Mouin Rabbani

Speaking to his people on January 18, hours after Hamas responded to Israel’s unilateral suspension of hostilities with a conditional ceasefire of its own, the deposed Palestinian Authority prime minister Ismail Haniyeh devoted several passages of his prepared text to the subject of Palestinian national reconciliation. For perhaps the first time since Hamas’s June 2007 seizure of power in the Gaza Strip, an Islamist leader broached the topic of healing the Palestinian divide without mentioning Mahmoud Abbas by name.

At a press conference the following day convened by Abu Ubaida, the spokesperson of the Martyr Izz al Din al Qassam Brigades, the Hamas military wing, the movement went one step further. “The Resistance”, Abu Ubaida intoned, “is the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people”. Full Story>>


The Horrors of Israel's Peace
Al Ahram Weekly
January 22-28, 2009
Samera Esmeir

Three weeks after the war on Gaza, Israel declared a unilateral ceasefire but refused to terminate its so-called defensive operations. In response, Hamas declared a ceasefire for one week, until the withdrawal of Israeli troops has been completed. For many in the West, the ceasefire might seem like an occasion to celebrate, for the cessation of military hostilities on both sides will perhaps renew the peace process. But there are reasons to be critical of this ceasefire, since it continues the situation in which Israel acts unilaterally. What we are actually witnessing is a new phase of the catastrophe in Gaza. While the characteristics of this phase are not yet known, Israel's violence has become ever more evident. And perhaps this is why Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert did not mention the word "peace" once in the speech he gave to announce the ceasefire. The "peace process" might soon be revealed as the other side of the coin to war -- its continuation by other means -- that simultaneously feeds it. Full Story>>


A Battleground for the Foreseeable Future
Bitter Lemons International
September 11, 2008
Chris Toensing

Bob Woodward’s four books chronicling the wars of President George W. Bush are sensitive barometers of conventional wisdom in Washington. Whereas the first volume, published in 2002 at the height of the self-righteous nationalism gripping the capital after the September 11, 2001 attacks, hailed Bush’s self-confidence in acting to protect the homeland, the 2008 installment depicts the same man as cocksure and incurious. This much is not news. More educational are Woodward’s hints about the worldviews that will outlast this unpopular administration, embedded in the organs of the national security state. Full Story>>


Egypt Stifles Debate in the United States
Northwest Arkansas Times
August 27, 2008
Bayann Hamid

The Egyptian regime has once again succeeded in stifling freedom of speech, this time not in Egypt, but in the US. Earlier this month, an Egyptian court convicted a prominent Egyptian-American activist for his outspoken criticism of the regime’s poor human rights record in American public fora. The court accused Saad Eddin Ibrahim, of "tarnishing Egypt's image" abroad. The conviction referred primarily to writings he published in the foreign press; most notably among them an August 2007 op-ed in the Washington Post in which he criticized Egypt's human rights record and questioned the reasons behind US aid to Egypt. Full Story>>


Want to Fight Terrorism? Think Globally, Act Locally
Globe and Mail (Toronto),
August 4, 2008
Khalid Mustafa Medani

Militant Islam is under global scrutiny for clues to conditions that foster its rise, and to strategies for reversing that growth. But the key is not in Islamic doctrine, US foreign policy or formal ties to various nations, as many analysts have asserted. It lies at the community level, with clan and local leaders. Full Story>>


Iraq’s Kurds Have to Choose
Globe and Mail (Toronto)
July 30, 2008
Joost Hiltermann

Kurdish parties have become kingmakers in Baghdad , and they know it. As no federal government can work without them, they are pulling every available political lever to expand the territory and resources they control, trying to build the foundation of an independent Kurdish state. But even more than territory, they need security. If everyone acts quickly and wisely, that understanding could help resolve one of the Iraq war’s thorniest issues. Full Story>>


Exiting Iraq Is Easier Than They Say
The Nation (web-only)
July 16, 2008
Chris Toensing

The debate over the war in Iraq follows a yellowing script: The minute someone suggests that the US move to withdraw its troops, war supporters cry “Havoc!” True to form, when no less a figure than Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki stated he wants a timeline for a US pullout, John McCain summoned the specter of dire consequences. “I’ve always said we’ll come home with honor and with victory and not through a set timetable,” McCain said. In his major foreign policy speech on July 15, Barack Obama affirmed his support for a withdrawal timetable, adding that the US must “get out as carefully as we were careless getting in.” Obama’s position is the correct one, but he, like many other war critics, has done too little to counter the refrain that withdrawal is simply “cutting and running,” a recipe for disaster. Full Story>>

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