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Unlocking
the Arab Celluloid Closet: Homosexuality in Egyptian Film
Garay Menicucci
Images
of same-sex love and sexual dissidence from the heterosexual norm
have long been portrayed in literature, theater and cinema in the
Arab world. While the explicit depiction of homosexual acts in film
has been the subject of strict censorship, cinematic references
to gays and lesbians abound, if often in heavily coded forms.
The most ubiquitous
coding for gay and lesbian cinematic imaging has been cross-dressing.
While the tradition of transvestite performers in Arabia can be
traced back to pre-Islamic times,1 in Egypt transvestites gained
added prominence in the 19th century when Muhammad 'Ali banned female
dancers who were then replaced by khawalat-male dancers who
dressed in women's clothing and performed at popular celebrations
and other public venues.
Costume and disguise
go to the very essence of theater and film as media. Transvestism-a
cultural practice which codes gender dissidence often associated
with homosexuality-in itself is often an expression of eroticism
and sexuality.2 Virtually all Egyptian films employing cross-dressing
as a plot device do so within a comic context in order to introduce
sexual, gender or social issues that would be deeply shocking if
dealt with in a serious manner.
Women
as Men
One of the earliest
examples of an entire plot constructed around cross-dressing is
Bint al-basha al-mudir (The Pasha Director's Daughter, 1938)
directed by Ahmad Galal who also starred in the film along with
his wife Mary Queeny and his wife's niece Asya. Asya is forced to
disguise herself as her brother Hikmat and must substitute for him
in a job as a tutor on a wealthy estate in the Egyptian countryside.
Most of the plot revolves around untangling misidentities so that
all the main characters will end in appropriate heterosexual marriages.
There are, however, long erotic diversions before the prescribed
happy ending. Asya, as Hikmat, becomes a symbol of worldliness and
sexual dissidence for members of a rich Pasha's household who lack
experience outside the confines of provincial society. One of the
estate owner's daughters, Badriya, becomes sexually attracted to
Hikmat. At one point, Badriya tries to seduce Hikmat by twirling
a rose between her teeth and then dropping it to the ground so that
Hikmat will be forced to stoop before her to recover it. Asya as
Hikmat then tries to kiss Badriya. Interrupted by Badriya's older
brother Tawfiq, the symbolic deflowering is stopped. A consummated
lesbian act is prevented as well as any form of uncontrolled sexuality
outside of marriage. Despite the conventional outcome, this scene
is one of Arab cinema's most erotic portrayals of two women engaged
in flirtation and seduction.
Transvestism in the
plot of The Pasha Director's Daughter was consistent with
an elite heterosexual strategy to press for the right of romantic
marriage based on erotic attraction instead of the arranged marriages
still common in the upper classes in the 1930s. In The Pasha
Director's Daughter transvestism is coded lesbian eroticism.
Asya, cross-dressed as Hikmat, dresses to pass and is not an obvious
parody. The kissing scene between Hikmat and Badriya is not performed
in a comic style, but in one of complete seriousness which heightens
the erotic content. Despite scenes of same-sex eroticism coded by
cross-dressing, it was to be understood by audiences that there
were clear limits to erotic expression. Premarital sex was to be
avoided; homosexuality was abhorrent.
During the Nasser period
in the 1960s, female transvestism often served a didactic function.
Mobilization of social resources was seen as imperative for economic
growth. This meant new work roles for women. Gender segregation
and residual traditional attitudes towards women's activities outside
the family domicile were seen as impediments to economic development.
The regime promoted controlled entry of women into the public sector
work force. Women dressed as men in film scenarios often provided
ideological justification.
In Lil-Rigal Faqat
(For Men Only, 1964) director Mahmud Zul-Fiqar tackles the problem
of the gender segregated workplace in a comedy starring Nadia Lutfi
and Su'ad Husni. At a state-owned oil company in Cairo, two women
geologists are prevented from going on site to the Sinai in order
to apply their skills in the "for men only" oil exploration project.
None of the objections raised are convincing to the two geologists.
Su'ad Husni as Salwa delivers an impassioned speech avowing that
women can perform any kind of labor as well as men and often much
better. When two male applicants for the Sinai position arrive at
company headquarters, Salwa and Hind (Nadia Lutfi) take their credentials
and head for the Sinai. Upon arrival, Salwa and Hind are immediately
attracted to two drilling technicians, Fawzi and his friend Ahmad.
They must then control their sexual attraction and continue to act
as men.
Lil-Rigal Faqat
has one of the few portrayals of gay social life to be found in
Arab cinema. When the two women in male drag first arrive at the
Sinai work camp, they are taken to the barracks' mess where all
the men gather to dance cheek to cheek to Western romantic music.
The setting has all the appearances of a gay nightclub. The inevitable
problem arises of who is going to lead (a little disguised reference
to gay sex roles). Fawzi chooses Salwa as his dance partner. In
negotiating who will lead, Salwa in drag protests, "I'm a man."
Fawzi easily consents to being the "woman" and taking the passive
role.
There are a series
of unmaskings of the two women. The first occurs when a bedouin
woman enters the barracks and, while making insistent sexual overtures
to Salwa, is caught by a male relative with rifle in hand. Just
as he is about to shoot, Salwa and Hind tear off their wigs and
reveal their true gender. Later, both Fawzi and Ahmad find women's
clothing in the closets of Hind and Salwa as well as the two women's
identification cards. The gender confusion is set right; everyone
is paired in the appropriate heterosexual couple; and finally with
everyone standing in awe in front of an oil rig, it gushes forth
oil in commercial quantities in none too subtle symbolism.
While transvestism
as an economic strategy for women continued to be a theme in Egyptian
cinema into the Sadat-era infitah, the link between cross-dressing
and gender equality in the workplace began to recede. The popular
quarter and the workers' barracks were forsaken for the drawing
room of the new middle class created by the infitah.
Niyazi Mustafa, one
of Egypt's most prolific directors, began directing in the 1930s.
One of his most successful drag films was Bint ismaha Mahmud
(A Daughter Named Mahmud) which came out in 1975. The main setting
is the furniture business of a man whose only concern is to marry
off his daughter once she has finished high school. His daughter
represents the new generation of infitah women. She shuns
the traditionalism of her father and never goes out without wearing
a miniskirt and a revealing top. In love with a young medical student,
she herself has an exam score high enough to enter the business
faculty of the university. When she rejects her father's choice
for a marriage partner, her medical student boyfriend comes up with
the idea of dressing her as a man and informing the gullible father
that his daughter has had a sex change operation. The sex change
allows the daughter to enter the university and prevents the arranged
marriage. The father is convinced that he now has a son, Mahmud.
As Mahmud, the daughter has easy access to education and also takes
over the family business which begins to profit as never before.
The daughter's drag
disguise is unraveled when it is suspected that "Mahmud" does not
have an "ordinary male's" sexual drive. On three occasions Mahmud
is caught kissing her boyfriend, causing general alarm that the
sex change not only created a son out of a daughter, but also a
homosexual out of a heterosexual. The transvestite disguise is revealed
finally during a double marriage ceremony concocted by the father
for himself and his "son." There is general relief that Mahmud is
once again his father's daughter and not a male homosexual. Her
normative heterosexual behavior is rewarded by an on-the-spot marriage
to the medical student.
Men
as Women
Male drag queens have
become stock characters in Arab cinema. In Al-Anissa Hanafi
(Miss Hanafi, 1953) Isma'il Yasin institutionalized the role of
drag queen. In this nationalist parable, a traditional baladi
Hanafi is forced into an arranged marriage with his stepsister.
At the point of consummating the marriage, Hanafi is stricken with
abdominal pains and is rushed to the hospital for an emergency operation
that accidentally transforms him into a woman. Hanafi then devises
various strategies to wed his beloved-a butcher's assistant in a
popular quarter of Cairo. He succeeds in the end and even gives
birth to quadruplets before the official wedding ceremony. Yasin's
drag is not meant to be erotic; it mainly consists of modified traditional
women's dress with very little homosexual double meaning associated
with the transvestite disguise. Cross-dressing here serves as a
comic vehicle for introducing class issues and the cultural transition
from traditionalism to a particular kind of nationalist modernity.
In its elaboration
of a gay subtext, the 1960 film Sukkar Hanim (Miss Sugar)
marked a sharp departure from Al-Anissa Hanafi. Based on
the Brandon Thomas play Charley's Aunt and its 1920 adaptation
to the Egyptian silent screen as An American Aunt.3 Sukkar
Hanim appeared one year after the popular American transvestite
comedy Some Like It Hot, starring Jack Lemmon, Tony Curtis
and Marilyn Monroe.
The plot involves two
cousins, Nabil and Farid, who have moved into an apartment next
door to two other cousins, Layla and Salwa, with whom they immediately
fall in love. Layla and Salwa are watched by Layla's father who
tries to enforce strict gender segregation. An actor friend of the
two men, Sukkar (note that "Sukkar" meaning "sugar" is also Marilyn
Monroe's name in Some Like It Hot), is practicing for a stage
role as a woman and must dress in women's clothing. He is accidentally
caught in drag by Layla and Salwa. Posing as a long lost aunt, Sukkar
Hanim, who has lived in the Americas for the past 15 years, offers
the pretext for the couples to associate without patriarchal supervision.
The middle-aged drag Sukkar Hanim is exempt from the sexual behavioral
norms expected of the two younger women. As would be expected, the
real Sukkar Hanim finally appears on the scene to expose the true
identity of the drag queen, untangle the confused sexual orientations
and give legitimate sanction to the marriages of the two couples.
While Sukkar Hanim
makes the statement that to be modern is to replace traditional
arranged marriages with unions based on romantic love and freedom
of choice, the film replaces the de-eroticized image of Al-Anissa
Hanafi with a provocative and overtly sexual drag. The drag
character Sukkar Hanim not only facilitates happy heterosexual unions,
she also symbolizes uncontrolled sexual passion and alternative
sexualities.
Beginning with Sukkar
Hanim, drag comedies codify transvestism persistently, and sometimes
explicitly, as tied to homosexuality. 'Abd Al-Mun'im Ibrahim's camp
drag performance, with his feminized voice intonation and swishy
mannerisms, is imitating and parodying stereotypical notions of
feminine behavior as well as gay male behavior. It is no accident
that Sukkar in drag becomes "tante," the French word for "auntie"
and the same word that Arab gays often use among themselves as a
form of humorous mutual recognition.4 The film has a gay ending
reminiscent of Some Like It Hot. In the last scene of the
American film, when Lemmon pulls off his wig and declares he is
a man, his intended fianc�e remarks, "Nobody's perfect!" In Sukkar
Hanim, when Layla's father is about to be wedded to Sukkar in
drag and the real gender of the bride is disclosed, Layla's father
is undeterred by the revelation that his intended marriage partner
is a man and cries out, "I want to marry." In Sukkar Hanim
modernity is achieved when sexuality transgresses the boundaries
of marriage. The confusion of gender roles unleashes repressed sexuality.
After directing two
female drag films, in 1980 Niyazi Mustafa turned to male drag in
Adhkiya' . . . lakin aghbiya' (Clever . . . but Stupid).
The film is short on plot and seems to have been an excuse for parading
the popular comic star 'Adil Imam around in drag. The film has all
the earmarks of an infitah social comedy. 'Adil Imam and
a friend are poor students who cannot afford housing in Alexandria
and do drag in order to be accepted into an all-women's boarding
house operated by an obsessive peeping Tom. Economic necessity is
the pretext for cross-dressing. Although the references to homosexuality
are numerous, 'Adil Imam is a reluctant drag queen. He looks like
a man wearing women's clothing and refuses to alter his voice intonation.
The lack of Imam's finesse accentuates the outer limits of erotic
fantasy. 'Adil Imam had another run-in with confused sexual orientation
in Al-Irhab wa-Al-Kabab (Terrorism and Kebab, 1992) when
he follows a man who he assumes to be a government bureaucrat into
the men's bathroom in the Cairo Arab League Building and instead
finds a swishy queen waiting for quick sex in a bathroom stall.
Khawalat
Khawalat (male
transvestite dancers of the 19th century and pre-1952 days) in history
had very public roles as dancers and performers at popular festivals
and celebrations. In Arab film, however, they have become standard
characters to imply the existence of a homosexual subculture or
transgressive sexuality in general. Functioning as the servants
of brothel prostitutes and their mentors in the art of erotic belly
dancing, they are cinematic code for the depiction of homosexuals
as derogatory, effeminate men. They also often possess uncanny wit,
a cynical sense of pragmatic realism and personal integrity lacking
in the conventional heterosexual characters who surround them.
One of the central
characters in Naguib Mahfouz's 1947 novel Zuqaq al-Midaqq
(Midaq Alley) is Kirsha, whose sexual obsession with young men continually
provides a source of scandal and secret delight for the inhabitants
of the quarter. In Hassan Al-Imam's 1963 cinematic adaptation of
the novel, Kirsha is practically written out of the script while
a brothel khawal is kept in. The film plot revolves around
Hamida (played by Shadia), a beautiful naive opportunist. Hamida
realizes that she has been lured into a life of prostitution when
she is given a tour of a brothel. In one room, there is a man in
women's clothing and make-up instructing other prostitutes in belly
dancing. The khawal symbolizes the complete moral degradation
into which Hamida has fallen. In the film version of the novel,
the khawal becomes the worst imaginable form of social aberration-a
man behaving like a woman.
In the novel, Kirsha
is self-willed and cares little about the neighborhood's condemnation
of his sexual antics with young men. When the guardian of local
morals tries to convince Kirsha to stop a homosexual liaison with
a shopkeeper's assistant, Kirsha retorts, "People have been like
that ever since God created the earth and all that's on it."5 By
erasing the homosexual Kirsha and leaving in the khawal,
the film omits a characterization that would have made a neutral
statement about the social acceptability of homosexuality. Instead,
homosexuality is associated with perversion.
Khawalat fared
much better in the 1980s and 1990s. In the 1983 film Darb al-hawa
(Alley of Desire) starring Yusra and Ahmad Zaki, a brothel khawal
is given a fully developed character. The plot involves the
ill-fated love of an idealistic professor for a young prostitute
in the pre-Nasser period. The khawal acts both as a historical reference
point for brothel culture in the 1930s and 1940s and as a kind of
Greek chorus, observing and commenting on the drama that unfolds
around him. Despite his subservient position, the khawal Siksika-a
play on the word "saksuka" which means "goatee" even though Siksika
lacks any facial hair and wears women's eye make-up-maintains his
personal dignity in every situation while other characters succumb
to avarice and moral weakness. He playfully and overtly flirts with
the brothel's male clients. He is both wise and humorous at the
same time. Siksika has left such a strong impression on the popular
imagination that in Cairo street language "Siksika" is the term
used to refer to an effeminate gay person.
Homosexuals
as Themselves
Homosexual characters-not
in drag-appear in many Arab films in an implicit rather than explicit
manner. There are no kissing or sex scenes to be found. Directors
have faced problems in realistically depicting homosexuals, even
when they are required by adaptations from literature. Neither the
word nor outright acts can appear on the screen because they violate
censorship codes that ban the word "homosexual" or obvious depictions
of homosexual sexual behavior.
One of the most fully
drawn gay characters appears in Salah Abu Saif's 1973 film Hamam
Al-Malatili (The Malatili Bath). Abu Saif is noted for his social
realist style and for introducing provocative subject matter into
his films. The plot involves a young man who leaves his family in
Ismailiya for Cairo to seek work and gain an education. Hampered
by insufficient funds, he finds shelter in a bath house frequented
by gay men. A gay man, who comes often to the bath to sketch the
nude men, is attracted to the youth and brings him to his apartment
to seduce him by plying him with wine, cigarettes and the music
of James Brown's Like a Sex Machine. This particular scene
is the closest that Arab cinema has come to portraying gay sexuality.
The artist bares his chest and gyrates in a frenzy to the music
before falling in erotic exhaustion on a cushion next to the youth
who is also bare-chested. In an effort to accent the realistic setting
of the bath house, one scene includes fully naked men showering
and walking in and out of the view of the camera.
Through the character
of the homosexual artist, Abu Saif makes a plea for tolerance of
sexual difference. In the seduction scene as the artist reflects
on his life as a homosexual, he tells the youth that it is evident
from reading the chronicles of the 18th-19th century historian Jabarti
that there was unrestricted freedom in the past. In the modern period
there is none. The artist begins to imagine what a tolerant society
would be like and the camera cuts to the artist in the Tal'at Harb
district of Cairo (a traditional cruising place for gay men) wearing
a braided wig of long hair and what would be considered unmanly
clothing. Shocked bystanders glare at him as he strolls down the
street with a decidedly swishy gait. In an unfortunate case of pop
psychologizing, Abu Saif explains the artist's homosexuality as
stemming from a love/hate relationship with his overbearing mother
which causes the artist to abhor the idea of sexual involvement
with women and, at the same time, to desire to become a woman in
his outward appearance. Thus, homosexuality is associated with women's
supposed emasculation of men, transvestism, perversion and the social
ills accompanying rapid urbanization. Nonetheless, the overall message
is "live and let live" and that every person has the right to human
affection no matter what form it takes.
In the 1977 Egyptian
remake of Tennessee Williams' Cat on a Hot Tin Roof starring
Nur al-Sharif and Bussy, 'Isa-the homosexual love interest of the
hero Amin-figures prominently in the script. In the first scene
the alcoholic Amin reminisces about his youth as the captain of
a national soccer team. He remembers a championship match when he
scored a winning goal. In front of thousands of cheering fans, his
best friend 'Isa interrupted the match by rushing onto the playing
field to embrace and kiss Amin on his cheek. Here we see the connection
between Amin's drinking problem and his relationship to 'Isa.
Amin courts an Alexandrian
woman named Gigi. From the beginning of the romance, 'Isa hovers
in the background at every meeting of the couple. 'Isa is not attracted
to Gigi's girlfriend and is adverse to dancing with women. Even
after the marriage, Amin prefers to go on a train trip in the company
of 'Isa rather than his wife. Determined to break up the relationship,
Gigi reserves her own train ticket and shows up in the sleeping
compartment that Amin is meant to share with 'Isa. When they arrive
at the hotel, Amin refuses any sexual contact with Gigi. When he
falls asleep, Gigi restlessly prowls the grounds of the hotel and
spies 'Isa propositioning a male hotel guest for a sexual tryst
in his room. She then rouses Amin telling him that she is ill and
needs aspirin from 'Isa's room. Amin then catches 'Isa with the
stranger. While Amin is distraught, 'Isa, even more horrified that
his sexual orientation has been discovered, commits suicide by slashing
his wrists. Amin turns to alcoholism, suffers a debilitating leg
injury and refuses to have sexual relations with his wife ever again.
In exchange for the film's explicit honesty in portraying the homosexual
tenor of Amin and 'Isa's relationship, the homosexual is killed
off and the object of his affection is physically and psychologically
scarred for life.
More positive images
of gay people appear in the films of the renowned Egyptian director
Youssef Chahine. Gay people appear as they are without the heavy
moralizing of most other Arab films with gay characters. In his
1972 socialist-realist epic extolling the completion of the Aswan
High Dam, the joint Egyptian-Soviet production The Nile and Its
People, one of the main subplots revolves around the friendship
between a male Soviet technician and a male southern Egyptian worker.
His latest film Al-Masir (Destiny, 1996) includes a homoerotic scene
in a traditional bath house, although none of the characters are
explicitly portrayed as gay.
In his autobiographical
trilogy Al-Iskandariya Layh? (Alexandria Why?, 1979), Haduta
Misriya (An Egyptian Story, 1982) and Al-Iskandariya Kaman
wa Kaman (Alexandria Once Again, 1989) homosexuality is depicted
in a matter-of-fact way. In the first segment, one of the characters
from Chahine's family album is a homosexual uncle who is involved
in plots to assassinate British soldiers during World War II. He
falls in love with a drunken British soldier that he has marked
for assassination and instead of killing him, takes him home and
sleeps with him. The telling scene has the British soldier waking
up in the uncle's bed in his underwear not knowing what has happened.
The uncle goes on to act as a role model and mentor for the adolescent
Yahya who represents Youssef Chahine.
The final segment of
the trilogy, Alexandria Once Again, is a complicated-almost
surreal-autobiographical commentary on Chahine's personal life and
the fantasies that have shaped his films. Chahine plays himself.
The main story line traces his romantic obsession for the actor
who starred in the first part of the trilogy. The signs of the love
affair are often heavily encrypted and unfold at one point during
a song and dance routine between the young actor and Chahine mimicking
a Ginger Rogers-Fred Astaire number during the Cannes Film Festival
when Alexandria Why was nominated for a prize. Chahine also
writes into the script a fictitious wife who is jealous of his relationship
with the young actor. Despite the softening effects, the homosexual
nature of the relationship is unmistakable.
Following the lead
of Chahine in giving an autobiographical imprint to his films, his
longtime student and collaborator, Yusri Nasrallah, has been more
forthright in his depiction of homosexual characters. Set during
the period of Nasser's land reforms, his first film, Sariqat
Saifiya (Summer Thefts, 1988) is the story of the childhood
friendship between the son of a bourgeois landowner and the son
of an Egyptian peasant. The relationship intensifies in adulthood,
but the two are divided as one becomes a journalist in Beirut during
the 1982 Israeli invasion and the other is in Iraq during the Iran-Iraq
war. Nasrallah's 1993 film, Mercedes, includes not only a
main protagonist who has a gay brother with a lover, but also a
drug addicted lesbian aunt.
It is Tunisian cinema,
however, that has become the leader of the sexual avant garde in
the Arab world. Compared with other Arab directors, Tunisians have
had much more leeway in dealing with controversial sexual matters.
This is due in part to the more lenient censorship policies of the
government and in part because most Tunisian films are produced
with French financing for simultaneous European distribution. Tunisian
Nouri Bouzid is the only Arab director to script entire film scenarios
around characters with sexual identity crises involving homosexuality.
In his first feature film, Mih Al-Sadd (Man of Ashes, 1986),
three young carpentry apprentices are sexually molested by the head
carpenter. When they become young adults, none of them can live
up to the expected norms of marriage. One of the boys' families
tries unsuccessfully to arrange a marriage. No remedy-including
a trip to a brothel-can be found to induce his sexual attraction
to the opposite sex. In Bezness (1992) [see review by the
author in Middle East Report 192 (January-February, 1995),
pp. 30-31], a man in his 20s has spent his adolescence as a male
prostitute and tries unsuccessfully to become a gigolo servicing
a clientele of middle-aged European women tourists. A crisis ensues
when he is unable to persuade his fianc�e to remain secluded while
he plies his trade with diminishing returns.
It may be that foreign
financing, mainly French, has created the artistic space for the
introduction of homosexual subject matter into a number of Arab
films. In the woman director Asma' al-Bakri's 1991 film Shahatin
wa Nubala' (Beggars and Aristocrats) we find not only a dancing
khawal in a World War II brothel, but also a homosexual policeman
investigating the murder of a prostitute. The homosexuality of the
policeman is portrayed with nonchalance. He suffers the minor irritations
that anyone would in their daily life, including an argument with
his temperamental young male lover in a cafe.
At the same time, in
an increasingly conservative Arab cultural environment, the accusation
has been made that European financed films include sexual material
designed for European audiences and negatively distort the reality
of Arab social life. Homosexuality in the Arab world is said to
be a figment of the Western imagination.
The future for development
of an uncensored sexual discourse in Arab cinema or the depiction
of homosexuality is not a bright one. Egypt historically has been
the major producer of Arabic language films. While Egypt used to
produce 50 to 60 films in a year, the current annual average is
about 15. Most of these are financed with Saudi and Gulf money for
eventual television broadcast. Television is even more strictly
censored than cinema and certainly the arbiters of official culture
in most Arab states are not about to launch initiatives that promote
public discourse on social issues relating to sexuality. Small scale,
independently-produced films hopefully will continue to give us
images of sexual diversity. But like Yusri Nasrallah's 1995 documentary
on sexuality and veiling among young adults in a Cairo popular neighborhood,
Boys, Girls, and the Veil, they might also only be shown
in Western countries and sit on the shelf in the Arab world due
to lack of effective distribution networks and the ever-present
hand of the government censor.
Endnotes
1 See Everett
Rowson, "The Effeminates of Early Medina," Journal of the American
Oriental Society 111/4 (October-December, 1991), pp. 661-693.
2 See Marjorie
Garber, Vested Interests: Cross-Dressing and Cultural Anxiety (New
York: Routledge, 1992).
3 Mustafa Darwish,
Dream Makers on the Nile: A Portrait of Egyptian Cinema (Cairo:
The American University in Cairo Press, 1998), p. 9.
4 See Everett
Rowson, "Cant and Argot in Cairo Colloquial Arabic," American Research
Center in Egypt Newsletter 122 (1983), pp. 13-25.
5 Naguib Mahfouz,
Midaq Alley (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 1995),
p. 95.

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